G20: the idiots vs the cops

I am by no means a defender of capitalism; nor am I a fan of the police – but it seems to me the hysteria from the protesters, the rioters, and their supporters (I’m looking at you, GSU+UTSU) have taken this over-reaction business to a whole new level.

Facts:

  • “Anarchists” using the black bloc tactic were hiding amongst the peaceful protestors making it difficult for the police to identify them individually [1]
  • The black bloc rioters destroyed dozens of private properties and at least four police cruisers on Saturday evening [2] [3]
  • The police had identified at least some of the vandals and promised to arrest them at a later time (i.e. a later protest) [4]
  • The “peaceful protesters” did next to nothing to stop the “anarchists” from destroying all the property: by many accounts, those who weren’t cheering and applauding were idly standing and watching (bystander effect at work?) [5]
  • The police admitted to arresting and detaining many innocent protestors, but also claimed it was a necessary evil to arresting those black bloc rioters who were blending into the crowd [6;ongoing]

The “Anarchists”

“They call themselves anarchists. I think that’s a generous opinion.” -Mayor David Miller

Most of the mass media reporters seem to agree on one thing about the black bloc anarchists: they were mostly ‘punks’ and kids who showed up for the explicit purpose of violence and vandalism. They had no particular cause, nor a particular issue, nor are they even an official ‘group’ of any constitution. These are idiots who get off on seeing chaos and destruction. They probably took Fight Club a little bit too seriously.

These are stupid, naive, and violent ‘thugs’ who don’t have enough to do with their time. For the most part, they are young societal outcasts hailing from the middle class who also happen to be misanthropes.

The “Peaceful” Protestors

So those anarchists with the black gear decided to blend into the crowds of protestors, then gradually hi-jacked the protests and started a riot. The protestors stood by and watched while the streets burned. Then they go on to complain that the police presence is too much and that we were turning into a Police State. The “Whose streets? Our Streets!” chant being used against the police seems a little self serving here when it is blatantly obvious to most residents of the city that the police were there to protect residents against the ever-present violent rioters.

Why is it that the protestors stood by and did nothing? Why is it that they kick and scream about police brutality, but make no mention of the window-smashing and cruiser-burning? This particular theory seems pretty appealing: the protestors seem to want some ruckus and fighting. It might just be useful to their cause. Then there are the conspiracy nuts who keep trying to tell us that the police were the ones who lit their car on fire.

Furthermore, it seems that many of the protestors actually knew who the people in the black were (pretty easy to spot with the big black army boots after they get rid of the clothes), and yet didn’t bother to report anything or confront anybody. They act all brave when yelling at the politicians, but somehow lose their guts when they see an anarchist? Give me a break.

For the large part, most of the protestors are not your average citizens / Toronto residents. Most of us decided to stay away from the city and the mobs of chanting people. Sure, many of them have pet issues that they care deeply about – possibly the environment, child poverty, world hunger, or wars – but the most important common thread between the groups are that the people are there for the purpose of causing a scene. That’s what protests (peaceful ones even) are for, of course.

Think of the people you know who went to the protests. Watch the news footage of the protestors. Listen to the interviews of the people on the streets. From what I gather, most of these people are the ’shit-disturbers’ of society. You know the kind – the ones who like to yell and scream and incite chants for their cause du jour; the kind of people who like to scream and yell at the most seemingly inappropriate times when you just want to, say, go to sleep, or just try to leave work for home (sadly in that particular case, some of us regular folk had to foot their legal bill)!

All this, and we still don’t really know what the protestors were arguing for. Nobody seems interested in putting out a logical argument pertaining to the matter that they are trying to push. Most are only interested in catchy chants, it seems.

The Indignant

Source: STEVE RUSSELL - A protester is loaded into a paddy wagon at the corner of Queen West and Noble Streets.Naturally, when some of them got arrested for refusing to listen to police instructions (a common sense and street-smart thing to do in almost all circumstances), they cried foul and started claiming abuses of civil liberties. Well, what about my civil liberties as a resident of the city who doesn’t want to listen to your protests (especially when many of you are extraordinarily ill-informed and naive)? If I recall correctly from my Law & Morality course, our constitution and most constitutions of the “free world” are based on the premise that you have fundamental rights – provided that you do not interfere with other peoples’ rights.

So excuse me if you will for having no sympathy for you lot. If you want to get real change, go shape the public policy debate by helping a political campaign or running for office. Most of the G20 leaders were democratically elected, after all. Yelling and banging and creating the justification for the multi-million dollar security bill certainly doesn’t bring me to your side of the fence.

The Cops

This brings us to the polarizing topic of the Cops. A cursory glance at the twitter feeds and the headlines from yesterday reveal that the cops were both too brutal and too reserved.

On one side, we’ve got people complaining that the cops were nowhere to be found when the rioters started smashing windows and burning cars; on the other, we’ve got people complaining that the police were too brutal when they managed to stop several potential riots involving the black bloc anarchists.

Oh sorry, I got that wrong: those are the same people complaining about both things. You can’t have it both ways!

Yes, the protestors were arrested and detained, and many of them were of the non-riot type… but as I said above – I’ve got no sympathies for those who willingly put themselves into the police ‘trap’ – how hard is it to not run into riot police? I, for one, am glad that the crazies were stopped before they could break anything else.

It is painfully obvious that the police were being provoked and baited – and while the opposite is also true, the protestors and their indignant supporters seem to get all one-sided in their account of events. Videos are even purposely cut short to show only out-of-context actions by the police. Shame on you guys for manipulating the media – thought you guys were all above that?

So there were a few bad apples amongst the police. There were also a few bad apples in the protests. Funny how things balance, no?

Get the G20 out of my city

Regardless, the only take-home message is this: why the hell were the summits hosted in the downtown core of the busiest city in the country? If they wanted resorts, Canada is full of country-side lakes and rivers. If they wanted big halls, we’ve got dozens of huge spaces in the suburbs. Heck, what about that thing, with the Nations that are United and have this internationally independent building that was built for the purpose of meetings? There doesn’t seem to be any great reason to cause a billion to be spent. (Oh, and what’s wrong with Skype?)

Maybe Stephen Harper just wanted Canada to be on the news more… at the cost of his (least) favourite Canadian city, Toronto. Payback for not voting for the Conservatives, eh?

Canada Party @ Dundas Square

Canada’s Olympic hockey win spawned an epic street party on Dundas Square last night. If anyone needed more proof that Hockey is Canada’s game, look no further. I don’t think this kind of party (plus street hockey on Yonge Street!) will ever happen again… maybe unless the Leafs can win a Stanley Cup.

Vancouver 2010: Three Days, Three Engineering Failures

It’s been three full days of competition at Vancouver for the 2010 Winter Olympic Games… and there have been three major Engineering failures by the Canadian organizers. You would think Canada would at least employ some engineers who were up to snuff for the Olympics – alas, it was not to be.

Continued reading >

The Tool and the Liberation

[Cross-posted from The Cannon Newspaper's January feature to reach a wider audience]

“The Tool”, for those unacquainted, is a 60″ long triple-chromed pipe wrench made by the Ridge Tool Company (known for its Ridgid brand of hand tools and power tools). This particular tool is a 42-year-old specimen that now serves as the mascot of the University of Waterloo Engineering Society.

Cannon on top of The 'Ridgid' Tool

Cannon on top of The 'Ridgid' Tool

Forged in Elyria, Ohio, the $350 Tool was donated to the then cash-strapped UWaterloo in 1967 by the Ridge Tool Company on two conditions: that it be named “The Ridgid Tool” and that it be kept in its original Ridgid orange and black colours. Waterloo, of course, took these to heart – and promptly dipped the whole thing in a bath of chrome just hours after its reception. The “Ridgid” brand name was dropped shortly thereafter.

Like the Cannon, the Tool is protected by a group of mostly anonymous students aptly named the Tool Bearers. On its outings, each end of the Tool is chained to a Tool Bearer, and is accompanied by a guard of approximately five Bearers. The Tool Bearers wear a uniform of gold and black coveralls, adorned with the word “Engineering” along the left leg, as well as a black hard hat, sunglasses, and a gold bandanna covering their faces.

Curious readers might at this point wonder: why did they choose a pipe wrench? Of all the wonderful things that Engineers can come across, like t-squares, slide rules, bridges, and cannons, why choose as your symbol of representation a giant pipe wrench? This particular story may be lost in the annals of history. What is known, however, is that Waterloo’s EngSoc had considered choosing between a sword and a wrench. They eventually settled on the idea of a wrench to accompany their self-designated title of “Plummers”. Despite the odd choice of a symbol, Waterloo students embraced it with glee, adopting their now widespread “Plummers and proud of it” attitude.

Naturally, the Tool eventually became subject to the intense rivalry between the Universities of Waterloo and Toronto. In January of 1982, a group of our very own Engineers successfully intercepted the motorcade carrying the Tool and its lead Tool Bearer, returning from the Welcome Back Stag. The unexpected traffic stop resulted in the Tool being liberated by our Engineers, who easily escaped from the surprised Tool Bearers.

'BFC' posing with The Tool after liberating it from Waterloo

'BFC' posing with The Tool after liberating it from Waterloo

Having gained possession of the Tool, our predecessors had their fun. They paraded the Tool around mockingly (and who can resist mocking an oversized pipe wrench?), put it up on display, tried fixing some real pipes (and found it lacking in this respect) and had its pictures taken with the Mighty Skule Cannon. Eventually, they grew tired of the Tool and its inability to impress. It produced no kabooms, and inspired no awe. Finally, after over two months of captivity, the Tool was released and returned to Waterloo – but not without one last touch.

When the Waterloo students found the Tool at their school one morning, they were shocked to find it encased in a 45-gallon drum of concrete. University of Toronto had the last laugh, successfully planting “The Tool in the Stone” at Waterloo. Yet there was more – the Tool was returned only hours before their Iron Ring Ceremony (when the graduating engineers get a chance to touch the Tool). The Tool Bearers were forced, along with a handful of Frosh, to chisel and sledgehammer away at the concrete until they managed to free the Tool from its confines. It was only then that they realized “U of T” had been engraved on the shaft. To cover up our signature, the Tool received its second coat of chrome shortly after this incident.

The chain worn by the Cannon's Chief Attiliator comes from the chain that once guarded Waterloo's Tool in 1982

The chain worn by the Cannon's Chief Attiliator comes from the chain that once guarded Waterloo's Tool in 1982

The Tool is now guarded much more closely, having been traumatized from the escapades of 1982. It makes its appearance only at a handful of important events every year (orientation, iron ring parties, and semi-formals) – unlike the Cannon, which can be found unleashing its Earth Shattering Kaboom all across campus and Toronto almost weekly.

The Tool finally marked its young 40th birthday in June of 2007, and sported its third coat of chrome. Its limited history and tradition will require much more to catch up to the Might Skule Cannon – twice as old and storied as the Tool. But with a pipe wrench for a mascot, one must wonder – will they ever be able to catch up?

Timeline of The (Ridgid) Tool

Timeline of The (Ridgid) Tool

The Mighty Skule Cannon: 80 Years Old and Still Mighty

Circa 1999

Cannon circa 1999

[Cross-posted from The Cannon Newspaper's January feature to reach a wider audience]

The year is 1929. It is a calm and quiet evening on the picturesque University of Toronto campus. Students could be seen relaxing at the then 10-year-old Hart House, the central community hub built for students of all faculties and colleges alike.

Suddenly, a loud thundering boom rocked the foundations of the building. Was it a bomb? Are we under attack? Is the war returning? These thoughts raced through the minds of surrounding students, caught unaware by the apparent explosion, as they searched simultaneously for cover and the source of the outburst.

Outside, a flurry of cheers and applause erupted amidst a plume of smoke near the front doors of the building. The Engineers had pulled it off. The commemorative cannons in front of Hart House, long left disused and neglected, had been loaded and fired. The campus was rocked by the sounds of a mighty boom never before heard, and the gauntlet was thrown. A new era had arrived, heralded by the mighty boom and celebratory cheers of the Engineers.

It has been 80 years since this first ‘kaboom’ were heard on campus. Since this infamous night, numerous cannons have been forged, fired, captured, liberated, and retired by our predecessors. The rich history and prestige of the Mighty Skule(TM) Cannon is unmatched by any other mascot in the country. As we celebrate eight decades of earth shattering kabooms, we look back at the Cannon’s proud history, including its darkest days of brawls and thefts.

By the early 1930s, a small portable ‘cannon’ had been constructed using metal pipes and tubing. This was brought to numerous events and fired to the amusement of all involved. Eventually, it was decided that a heftier, sturdier, and more permanent cannon was required as our official mascot. In 1936, the official Cannon Mark I was constructed by an engineering machinist, using axle stock for the barrel and cast iron for the base. Alas, the Engineers had a cannon worthy of its prestige. The Mark I would continue to be in use until 1949 – which would come to be marked as the darkest year in history for the Cannon and the Engineers.

On a cold February afternoon in 1949, a massive brawl erupted during the annual Chariot Race. The brawl included members from various faculties and colleges, and resulted in the theft of the Cannon by UofT’s Medical School students. The Meds were praised on the front page of The Varsity, and gloated about their success. When attempts at recapture failed, more desperate measures were taken. The Meds Society Vice President Bob Hetherington was kidnapped and held hostage during negotiations for the Cannon’s return. The Cannon was finally returned on February 7, but was marred by an inscription that read: “Captured by MEDS 5T2, 3 Feb 1949″.

The worst, however, was not yet over for the original beloved Cannon. In October of 1949, University College students deceived the Cannon into a fake photoshoot for The Varsity, and made off with the Cannon in a waiting car. A crafty plan was hatched out by Chief Attiliator A.J. Paul La Prairie (incidentally also the founder of the Lady Godiva Memorial Bnad). Engineers disguised as construction workers managed to remove the wooden U.C. gargoyle from the newel post by the main stairway of the U.C. building. La Prairie was summoned to meet Dean Young and President Sidney Smith, and it was agreed that the gargoyle was to be returned in exchange for the Cannon.

As the Cannon was returned by U.C., the Engineers shrewdly returned a big bag of sawdust. While U.C. was still recovering from this shock, the real gargoyle was covertly re-installed at their building.

This series of events took its toll on the Cannon Mark I. Finally, on Christmas Day, 1949, W.H. Kubbinga (a civil engineering machinist) presented the Engineering Society with the Cannon Mark II, which was larger and sturdier than its earlier counterpart. The Mark II was inaugurated at the Chariot Races the following January. In 1952, the retired Cannon Mark I was offered as a trophy for the charity Red Cross Blood Drive. The Engineers, however, lost the Blood Drive and reluctantly presented the Cannon-trophy to Forestry for winning. The trophy was later won back by the larger Engineering faculty when the rules were changed to favour total amount donated rather than percentage donated.

Seven extant versions of the Cannon

Seven extant versions of the Cannon

Since these early years, the Cannon has gone through numerous transformations. Seven more Cannons would be forged. Some were retired and presented to honourable members of the Faculty, and others were kept alive as a tribute to the past. Yet another was immortalized by its placement in the cornerstone of the Galbraith Building as construction on it began. Each Cannon has been a uniquely designed piece of engineering, built to incorporate our rich history, and to withstand the great explosive forces it faces each time it is showcased.

More thefts in subsequent years were attempted – some successful, and more were foiled. Nevertheless, the Cannon has never left the hands of University of Toronto students, current or former – a feat yet unmatched by other Engineering mascots – and all the more impressive given the Cannon’s illustrious and lengthy history.

The Mighty Skule(TM) Cannon has clearly been an integral part of Skule(TM) life since its first appearance, and continues to appear at dozens of events each year, including football games, Homecoming, Pride Parade, weddings, and Convocation. Today, the Cannon is closely guarded by a dedicated Chief Attiliator, whose identity remains secret to all but a handful of trusted guards, the Bnad Leedur, and the President of Skule(TM) until the unveiling at Grad Ball of each year.

The Cannon is a source of pride for all Skule(TM) students. Its history permeates through our every move, and its security dependent on our trust. Its signature Earth Shattering Kaboom has rang through the hallowed and historical halls of nearly every building at the University. Yes, it is a mascot that we can truly be proud of – but it is also an integral part of our identity.

Cannon Fun Facts:

Cannon firing in the Atrium

Cannon firing in the Atrium

  • At least 8 cannons have been forged since the appearance of Mark I
  • Cannon Mark II is embedded in the cornerstone of Galbraith Building
  • Black hardhats were introduced in mourning after the Cannon was vandalized by an ex-CA in 1976
  • The Chief Attiliator wears a belt made of steel chain – which was once part of the chain protecting Waterloo’s Tool; A large circular ring is attached to the chain – this was cut from the Queen’s Grease Pole when it, too, was liberated in 2000.
  • The Cannon has shattered numerous windows in Hart House, as well as set off fire alarms in many historical buildings across Toronto.
Timeline of the Cannon from 1929

Timeline of the Cannon from 1929

Have Public Sector Unions Been Outmoded?

With the recent municipal workers’ strike ending in Toronto, it is useful to reflect on the role of public sector unions, and why so many of these unions have been going on strike in the recent months.

Unions were originally conceived in the days when employment conditions were poor, worker safety was nonexistent, wages were low, and hours were long. They were needed because no single employee could represent themselves in a fair argument against an employer – one would simply be fired. Since then, unions have won for workers a myriad of rights which have improved workplace safety, given us minimum wages, limits on hours, and many benefits we wouldn’t otherwise have without collective bargaining. These are all good advances which we should not forget, and unions have been instrumental in the advancement of our society.

Unions work because they have power over employers. As a group representing a large number of employees, they can threaten to withdraw their services (ie. go on strike), picket, work-to-rule, among other possibilities. These actions are detrimental to the employer, and any employer will be forced to bargain in good faith given this threat. If an employer refuses to bargain, he can choose to fire everyone (but cause massive disruptions and lose a great deal of reputation – it is also sometimes illegal), or he can choose to wait out a strike. Waiting out a strike, in the long run, will also damage a company, through lost profits and eventually bankruptcy.

This last point is important, because it is what provides a balance to the power that unions have over their employers. If a strike goes on for too long, the workers will be out of a job – because the company will go broke with no income. So the workers, too, must bargain in good faith, if they hope to reach a settlement before this worst case scenario occurs.

Let us now examine the case of modern public sector unions. These unions, such as CUPE (the largest in Canada), represent a variety of workers employed or funded by governments, be it local, provincial, or federal. Bargaining with public sector unions is not unlike that of any other union, with three very important caveats. First, their employers, the government, cannot go bankrupt. Because the government cannot go bankrupt, a strike cannot permanently put the workers out of a job. Second, in most jurisdictions, public sector workers cannot be fired for going on a legal strike. This removes a second risk that workers must take by going on strike. Third, a governmental institution usually has no competition for services. For example, when social services in Toronto are shut down, there is very little one can do as a consumer to boycott either the employees or the employers – we are dependent on them. By contrast, if say, GM plant workers go on strike, consumers can always buy from a myriad of other auto makers, such as Ford, Toyota, Honda, Hyundai, etc. With no competition, there cannot also be long term profit losses, which gives neither party an incentive to speed up the process.

This set of circumstances mean that the balance of power in the public sector shifts significantly towards the unions, and evidence suggests that public sector workers have ‘won’ more often than not, public sector strikes last longer than private sector ones, and public sector workers are paid more than their private sector counterparts.

The current model does not seem to be working for the public sector. Make no mistake though – the solution is not to copy the private sector, where workers make far less, and all the profits go straight to wall street investors and managerial executive types. Is it time for a more creative labour bargaining process?

Redefining EngSci Club

I’d like to continue a thought that was cut short during the EngSci Club candidates’ debate, as election season winds down.

The Class Rep Conundrum

As I mentioned, I think that one of my biggest failings as Vice Chair of the Engineering Science Club this past year was the lack of participation from and communication with the class representatives. Indeed, after the class reps were elected (and some were not even elected until later in the term), there was little to no communication between myself and the class reps.

Granted, this year has been somewhat of a transitional year for the engineering discipline clubs, and for EngSci Club in particular. Following Engineering Society’s decision to take over class rep elections from the discipline clubs, we lost some control over what we could do and the relationship between class rep and discipline club became clouded.

Class Rep Election Issues

On the one hand, EngSoc claimed that elected class reps were accountable only to them, and their primary function was to attend EngSoc meetings and perform certain EngSoc duties such as serving on committees and informing their respective classes about EngSoc activities. The intent was to increase class rep participation in EngSoc, which has had dwindling numbers in recent years (an issue for another writeup). Unfortunately, this redefined role of class representative caused a rift to form between discipline clubs, class reps, and EngSoc.

EngSci, too, has traditionally had problems defining the role of a class rep – in particular, the first year class reps have historically had problems staying in the program at all. This year, one of our two first year reps left the program, leaving half of the class without a rep. Historically, EngSci club responded to this by electing extra class reps – four for each of first and second year.

This system had its advantages, and certainly mitigated the problem of class reps ‘dropping out’. EngSoc, however, in a bid to reduce numbers and increase the importance and prominence of the role, allowed only two reps in first year and one rep in second year. In fact, it was a concession on their part to even allow one representative per section in the first year class.

Class representatives have not had a clearly defined capacity, and having a single class rep (as was the case this year in both first and second year) meant that the onus was placed on the individuals to carve out their own role.

In the case of snap lecture-based elections, as was the case in the first year class, there was clearly no time within each candidate’s 30-second ’speech’ for their class to evaluate the candidates – especially when there were 9 candidates in the running. As I witnessed, the election became a farce, and the lecture-based voting (which lasted almost 20 minutes due to the elimination process forced upon us by the CRO) came down to a choice between ‘dude with funny name’ and ‘dude who said funny things’.

Next, in the case of the second year class rep, which was elected through an online voting system, new problems arise. Candidates were sought through the EngSoc digest – an infamous black hole of information, rather than through more direct means. They were then required to nominate themselves with a statement, through a nameless and faceless CRO. An election was then held on a given date online. In most cases, only one or two people nominated themselves, and even these only by repeated prodding. Further, by eliminating direct class participation as in lecture-based voting, the elections became even more of a joke. Turnouts in these class rep elections numbered in the high teens if a candidate was lucky, and in the 30’s if the election was contested by more than one candidate.

Now, I want to note that I am not taking anything away from these candidates – they surely had enough motivation to make a public statement to their class, and that is sometimes a difficult first step. However, there is clearly a flaw in the election process, as we have witnessed, and brings into question whether the elections give voters enough information to make an educated decision. If we are to judge the success of the system based on EngSoc participation, then the answer is a definite and emphatic no.

A reform is obviously needed. An idea was raised in the debates today – unfortunately I am unable to remember who suggested it (it was a candidate for vice chair). Nonetheless, I feel it is worth considering.

A class rep would be required to nominate themselves in advance, and prepare a statement that can be publicly posted, say, on the elections website, and then, after a certain period (with or without campaigning), elections should be held in the classroom, and perhaps with a short speech as before. This way, participation is larger and more proportionate, while motivated individuals will have more chance to become educated about their candidates. This, too, allows candidates more time to think about the position, rather than calling upon individuals in the heat of the moment right before a lecture.

Class Representatives as a Group

Another thing worth considering is the idea of a group of class reps instead of a singular person. I had always felt that the group of 4 class reps we had in my first and second year had functioned fairly well. Perhaps everyone interested in becoming a class rep should just form a class committee, and be given resources to run events. A prank event was almost done successfully in my first year, up until the point of funding and timing. I feel if the EngSci Club provided that extra bit of motivation, these events might have been executed successfully.

We know that two class reps for EngSci probably isn’t enough – but is it time to consider four again? How about six, or more? In any case, a larger group would probably give more incentive for class reps to participate in events, and not put the burden of 150 people on one person’s shoulders.

Class Rep Accountability

The accountability problem, too, needs to be addressed. It can firmly be shown that EngSoc does not have the capacity to manage class reps for all the disciplines in all the years. As EngSoc has proven this year, they cannot even get their class reps to attend one meeting a month – the last few meetings of the year did not even have quorum (thus did not have enough voting members to pass legislation). Clearly, EngSoc is not the avenue we should be exploring in relation to class reps.

For the most part, engineers do not venture much outside of their own disciplines. EngSoc participants and atrium inhabitants aside, most engineers know only a handful of people outside their own class. To this end, it is nigh impossible for EngSoc to grasp the needs and feelings of the class representatives. Class rep elections and power should in fact, be returned to the discipline clubs. This approach has many advantages over EngSoc’s misguided reform – and should be duly considered by those in charge.

First, discipline clubs form a natural ‘block’ of participation within engineering. Generally, engineers have the most ‘loyalty’ to their own discipline first, and engineering as a whole comes second. Especially for first years, who do not have a good bearing on the university’s social scene, throwing them into a hostile EngSoc meeting is probably one of the most intimidating things that can happen to you.

Discipline clubs, too, are smaller and easier to manage – upper year EngScis running the EngSci Club, for example, are much more likely to understand where first and second years are coming from than EngSoc, as many of these upper years are likely to have been class reps themselves. The smaller unit also means that more work can be done with less bureaucracy, something that turns class reps off of student politics. The smaller discipline club grouping simply allows more participation than does the larger EngSoc issue.

Discipline club executives can also help ease first and second years into larger student governments like EngSoc, and reduce the intimidation factor behind council meetings. An example of this strategy having success was this year’s Industrial Engineering Club (although much maligned by some EngSci’s, the Indies did indeed have a very well functioning discipline club system).

In fact, a class rep’s first destination for information and advice should come from their discipline club. As we have seen, engineers will listen more to someone who has been through their own situation than those who haven’t – and again, discipline clubs have this advantage over the larger EngSoc.

These things cannot happen, and class rep participation will continue to dwindle, if EngSoc continues to meddle in these smaller affairs. I propose that class rep elections and management be handed back to the discipline clubs, and done so explicitly, so that the roles of a class rep can be better defined. This year has demonstrated an incapacity on the part of EngSoc to manage these reps, and an uncertainty on the part of the reps themselves over whom they ‘belong’ or report to.

Discipline Club as a “First Stop”

This brings me to my other major point and the brunt of my re-visioning of discipline clubs – that of the discipline club’s role within the university’s social environment.

In the past year, Engineering Society has been actively pushing ways to get F!rosh more involved, through various schemes including the Skule Points initiatives and the class rep restructuring. It is yet to be seen how big of an effect this has been, but word around my particular sphere seems to be that the first years are less engaged than ever before.

So, if EngSoc is not the right avenue, as we have discussed before, we are logically left with the discipline clubs – the smallest cohesive unit of student government. As mentioned before, students are more likely to attend events within the same discipline – especially if their classmates are involved as well.

Where EngSoc has been alienating the discipline clubs for social activities, they should instead be promoting the discipline clubs. In fact, it should not be EngSoc’s job to promote events, so much as it is the job of the more ‘local’ and approachable discipline club.

Certainly, I have seen that many people in Engineering Science do not have any interaction with the Engineering Society – I only know of a few people in my year who even know all the officers’ names. They do, however, have no problems with identifying at least the EngSci Club. This identity issue alone lends credibility to the discipline clubs that EngSoc does not have. Thus far I do not think this has been addressed by EngSoc.

Critics may argue that what I propose will further divide engineers along discipline lines. On the face of it, this is certainly true. However, I am not proposing that the discipline clubs run all of the events. I am merely suggesting that the discipline clubs should play a more pivotal role in getting student interest in various activities which may be more suited to particular disciplines.

There would still be opportunity for EngSoc to step in, especially with the plethora of clubs and activities where people of all disciplines come together – but this may allow, for example, a ‘group’ of EngScis to go to an event and meet another ‘group’ of Civs. As it stands right now, individuals find out about events mostly from their classmates already – encouraging this in-class comaraderie should, in turn, boost participation by amplifying what already works best.

In fact, it may even be that bringing back interdisciplinary rivalries that have dwindled in the recent past will allow a greater sense of unity and increase participation. There are already institutions in place that can be used to a greater extent – Skule Points can be a good avenue to explore, if only we could have live statistics on discipline points, and if it were more ubiquitous. We already see that participation from the more reclusive types increase when there is some rivalry – the people getting involved in grad pranks in a bid to outdo the other disciplines is a good example of this phenomenon at work.

Thus, I feel it is necessary for the discipline clubs to be more proactive in working with their classes, to allow for larger class activities, and to regain control over the class rep system. EngSoc should take a step back and re-examine their role in promoting social activities, and perhaps give the discipline clubs a shot at this, now that EngSoc has proven itself to be more or less ineffective.

Engineering: Passion Lost and Found

[Cross-posted from Richmond Hill High School Alumni Association blog found here.]

What follows is a story I have told only to a few of my closest friends (and probably not in its entirety), because of its complexity, personal nature, and my own confusion. It’s taken me a long time to formulate this into a coherent message to share. I think it is worth reading for anyone who is considering a career in (or at least an academic foray into) the field of Engineering.  I apologize in advance for the length, as this may read more like a journal than an essay. I hope, though, that you will appreciate the sentiment behind the words.

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High School Blues

It was the final year of high school. Some say it’s the best year of their life – not yet an adult, but old enough to do all the cool things you never could when you were ‘just a kid’.  I, however, spent most of this year in confusion and stress. Up to this point, I had been fairly academically accomplished. I’d been regularly getting those revered 90’s in all of my classes. I’d written all the toughest math contests and placed well. I’d just placed in the top 60 in the Canadian Computing Competition. Actually, I was really bored by school. It provided no challenge, and it gave me no direction.

I was stressed because I needed to make a choice that I had been avoiding for years. What is it that I want to do? I sought advice from friends, teachers, family, and anyone else who would listen. None of it helped, and all of it was contradictory. My mom wanted me to do Biology; my dad was indifferent; my friends thought I made a great programmer; other friends thought I should take a stab at business; my teachers suggested Engineering.

The last of those seemed intriguing. Engineering? What on Earth was Engineering? It intrigued me because it seemed so foreign. What do Engineers do? Why should I have anything to do with them?

Engineering, according to my high school teachers, was the place where the smartest people gathered. All the students who had the best math grades and the best science grades and some desire to get a real job went into Engineering. This is, of course, a terribly short-sighted view of the diverse profession.

I had no particular desire to save the world, or to invent the wheel. I just took the suggestion because it seemed like a good fit. Math grades? Check. Science grades? Check. And then I was off. But like all things I do, I didn’t start with the easiest of paths. I chose the most difficult. I entered the vaunted Engineering Science program at the University of Toronto, upon the suggestion of my Calculus teacher.

Engineering Science – A Proving Ground

The Engineering Science program is no cakewalk. When you hear the oft-repeated ‘horror’ story of a professor telling you to look to your classmates to your left and right, and saying that only one of you will make it through four years in the program, there is no doubt in my mind that such a story could only be true here. It is an unadvertised fact that first year Engineering (and especially Engineering Science) at the University of Toronto is tougher than all other Canadian undergraduate programs, bar none. There is nowhere else where the material will be as challenging, the courses more packed, and the workload more demanding, than here. It’s even been said that first year of EngSci, as it is known here, is more challenging than its counterpart at the more famous Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

I took on this challenge with glee. I had never failed to meet a challenge.

So it was with this intention of ‘proving myself’ that I entered into the toughest period of my academic career. My previous math and science training had paid off. I had no problems transitioning into university-level courses, and met the challenge with gusto. I was able to do most of this without much thought, without much hard work. I wasn’t used to doing hard work. I had gone through all of primary, middle, and secondary school without doing any hard work. At the end of the first term, I was ranked 18th in a class of over 300. In a class that started with 334 students and would eventually dwindle to just over 170, I considered that one of the greatest accomplishments of my academic life.

A Slippery Slope

It all went downhill from there. It turned out I was just ahead of my time, and it would all catch up to me.

You see, I had always been told that at some point in my life, I would actually have to work hard for results. I’d been told that natural intelligence would only get me so far. Being the arrogant kid that I was when I first heard this in elementary school, I ignored the advice. After all, it had gotten me results in the past, and it had worked until even the first year of university. I never believed otherwise.

Then second year came, and where everyone else had by now fully adjusted to the work, I had just begun to reach the limits of what my so-called intelligence could handle. I could no longer spend just an hour or two reviewing for an exam the night before and expect to get my 90’s. Nor could I afford to skip doing homework and expect to remember anything of value.

It was during this turbulent second year that I encountered numerous personal troubles as well, further eating into my academic life. I entered a funk, and into a greatly reflective mood.

I decided that I hated math and everything associated with it. It was so dry, and tedious, and mechanical, that I could find no joy in doing this for a living. I was greatly depressed by this because the one thing that everyone had told me I was really good at – math – turned out to be something that I hated. I never realized this before, because I never really had to work at it. This is incredibly selfish, I realize too, but alas, I cannot be everything to everyone.

Second, I was not enjoying my time at school by focusing only on academics. In my entire first year, I lived inside this protective shell, meeting only a few new people whom I kept touch with regularly. I had joined little to no extracurriculars, despite my extensive involvement in various activities throughout high school, and most of all, I felt I was wasting my time with university. I asked myself, what does going to university contribute to my life? Why go through all this trouble?

A Search for Passion

It was at this point that I reached out to some friends in various places, began talking to lots of upper years, and some grizzly old professors. What was generally acknowledged was that school is sometimes a necessary evil on the way to a career – but it doesn’t necessarily have to be evil. Having never thought of school as much of a chore, I had never really thought much about this problem.

I began to get out of the academic shell, and look for other things to do. This, in itself, was not a solution to the academic problem I was having, of course – you may even think it would exacerbate the problem. However, my goal at this stage was not to be ‘the #1 student’ – marks were now a secondary concern, and my main purpose was to meet as many people as I could.

The result was a newfound perspective of my situation. While I had always lived in the upper echelons of academia, I had been completely ignorant of, well, everyone else. I had set such high standards for myself that I had been unable to see where I really was.

At some point, everyone gets lost. We get lost in the midst of our midterms, or in times of personal crises. What sets you apart from everyone else is how you choose to play the cards in your hand. Sure, I could complain about life, or get all depressed about everything – but these choices are mine to make, and I could now see how I could turn things around.

Having met so many people, I found that I was not unique. Engineering is tough. But everyone here has a reason to go through the trouble.  What sets Engineering apart from almost any other profession, is that while most people claim to be doing the world a service, only Engineers can really say this with any conviction. If Engineers don’t go through the trouble, who will?

Engineers are immensely practical – we can see through lies, and we know what we want. Underlying the philosophy of Engineering is that we can not only learn about nature’s forces, but also that we can use it to our advantage to improve humanity. Thus, engineers can invent awesome machines, design more efficient systems, and construct civilizations. I had come one step closer to figuring out why I was in engineering.

A Choice and a Path

One more decision had to be made. After 2 years of Engineering Science, we were expected to choose an Option (or a Major, so to speak). Of these, I had identified Computer Engineering and Infrastructure Engineering as my frontrunners, but for extremely contrasting reasons.

I was interested in Computer Engineering because my entire life, I had been fascinated with computers. They are so essential to our daily lives now I can hardly imagine anything without them. I had learned most of my knowledge through computers, and spent a great deal of time with them. I was good at all things computing, and this should have been an easy choice. I could probably excel in Computer Engineering without much trouble – it would probably even solve my academic issues.

But then there was Infrastructure Engineering. Nothing in my first two years of university had stoked my passion as much as this field of Civil Engineering – of bridges and buildings. In my reflection, I had found that I had the most fun in my Civil Engineering design projects – those involving bridge designs and such. I had spent countless hours with these projects, and it felt like no time at all. It was one of the few things I enjoyed in my coursework.

So here we were, at another crossroads. Should I choose what I was ‘good at’, or should I choose what I can be passionate about?

There were many factors to consider, of course, like coursework, class sizes, difficulty, career prospects, and such – but for me, there was one last motivating factor. What impact do I want to have with my education?

This made my solution clear. I could learn computer engineering anywhere. In fact, I was well on my way through my adolescence in learning all this, without the help of school anyway. But if I really wanted to do something useful with university, and to not make the same mistake I had made two years earlier in high school, this was it. This is how I decided to be an Infrastructure Engineer.

In retrospect, I probably should have chosen the more direct path through Civil Engineering to begin with, rather than go through the charade of Engineering Science – but naturally, I hadn’t gone through this whole thought process in high school. I had no such guidance, and no such experience. Part of the reason I was so enthused by Alex’s idea of the RHHSAA was that I probably could have benefited from something like this in my own days as a student. Alas, we had to start somewhere, and now was as good as any.

Having said that, it’s not as if my studies are going perfectly as planned. There are still courses I don’t enjoy, and subjects I cannot comprehend, but at least I know why I want to do it. And that is the biggest lesson of all – I found a good reason for making a choice, and having such a reason, I can deal with the hardships that might come of it. Motivation is thus created by the mind.

CUPE3903 Fails at Grasping the Big Picture

CUPE3903, “representing” graduate students, part-time faculty, and teaching assistants at York University and their three-month long strike charade is about to come to an end. After a government appointed negotiator finally told us what we all knew already – that the two sides are irreconcilable – Premier McGuinty finally decided to start the motions of back-to-work legislation.

Normally, I don’t have too big a problem with strikes – certainly unions have had their place in bringing much needed job security and improved working conditions – but in this instance, it was nigh impossible to feel any sort of sympathy for this union strike.

As a TA in the University of Toronto, I made $28.50/hour – a fairly hefty amount for little work and admittedly low standards of qualification. Granted, I am still an undergraduate, meaning my wages are lower than those of my graduate counterparts – who earn $36/hour plus health benefits (amounting to about $400 in medical coverage per year). York TAs, who work comparable hours in comparable situations, are paid a whopping $63.29 per hour. That’s right. Even as a graduated student, working in a full-time engineering firm, I would make no more than $40 an hour to start with – and that’s if I’m lucky.

CUPE3903’s demands have been wholly unreasonable, from the massive wage increases (they want in excess of 10% in the next 3 years – during the worst recession in decades, no less) to what they call “job security”. Let me elaborate on this point. The union wants part-time professors on one-year contracts to be given lengthier contracts based only on seniority, not qualifications. Many of these part-time professors lecturers are Ph.D. candidates or recent postdocs. The union claims it unfair that they don’t get the same security as tenure-track professors who have their Ph.D.s and established research fields.

On the face of it, increased job security seems something worth fighting for – something that even the students suffering from the strike could support. However, this demand of longer contracts comes with a condition of a shorter collective agreement. CUPE3903 refuses to sign a collective agreement longer than 2 years, while demanding that their faculty receive lengthy contracts of up to 5 years. Though unpublicized, most people know that the reason CUPE refuses to sign a longer collective agreement is so that their next round of bargaining in 2010 will coincide with all the other university CUPE unions province-wide. They’re just itching to go back to the picket lines in less than two years, along with a cohort of colleagues from around Ontario. With contradictory demands like this, it’s hard to take them seriously.

Moreover, CUPE3903’s hardline position has managed to drive a stake into Ontario politics. While McGuinty’s Liberals are in a no-win situation – alienating either the students or the unions, he can at least claim public opinion support in bringing back-to-work legislation to Parliament. The New Democratic Party, on the other hand, has been smoked out by CUPE to do something brazenly unpopular amongst us students. NDP Leader Howard Hampton has declared his support of the unions, and is solely responsible for holding up back-to-work legislation at Queen’s Park. In doing so, he has alienated one of his largest group of supporters – the students – in order to appease his core power base – the unions. It is yet to be seen how big of a political impact this will have on the NDPs, but needless to say, it won’t make the students any more likely to vote for them in the next election.

If the NDPs take a political hit in the next election, their already fragile existence may become life-threatening for the party – and CUPE3903 will have had no small part in making the NDPs look irrelevant to the public in the midst of a massive recession. NDPs losing power means less sway for CUPE, and some would wonder how they’ve gotten themselves in such a mess. It all seems to me like the unions have bitten off more than they can chew, asking for the moon when we can’t even see the sky.

I wonder, too, whether CUPE3903 really represents the graduate students and the TAs and the contract faculty. In my experience, having attending a couple of union meetings for the sister union at the University of Toronto, the meetings are dominated by the union leaders, whose jobs are paid for by the union, and whose only tasks are to fight for more demands and get more publicity. There is no room or any voice for dissent, and generally, the leaders are preaching to the converted. The people who attend union meetings are usually the most hardcore, or even militant. These are the ones who really believe in striking until all their demands are met. Most of the moderate or conservative types stay away from union meetings because of these attitudes. With such a biased attendance, it was no surprise to me when I read news reports of CUPE3903 members voting to reject York’s latest offer. What I wonder is whether those who voted even bothered to read the contract, or just decided to do what their all-too-aggressive leaders told them to do.

What’s even more puzzling is the lack of student input in the whole issue. When a striking union of less than 5000 members holds over 50000 students hostage in a 3-month long strike, one would think there would be more of an outcry in the media – but reports have been mostly docile from the students, not outraged. If I were at York right now, I would be demanding a full refund from the university, and in addition demanding that the union compensate me for lost time – the opportunity cost of a few lost months of education plus lost time in the summer for employment. Not to mention all those people who still have to pay their loans, or the exchange students who have become disgusted at the whole system in the ordeal.

Have the unions become irrelevant? What are the students doing? Will there be another strike in 2010?

Election Blues

[Political opinion below. Reader beware?]

$300 million later, Stephen Harper and the Conservatives have little to show for it but a meagre 1% increase in popularity and a dozen more seats in Parliament. While he claims to have gained a mandate to govern with his new ’strong minority’, little has changed in Ottawa. The Liberals will still cower in big votes for some time while they recover and regroup; the NDP’s will continue to make big noises and do little; and the Bloc will continue to dawdle around as always.

The major newspapers are all calling for Dion’s head, justifiably so, but all agree that Harper will keep his job. The fact is, Harper suffered a huge blow yesterday when he failed to win a majority government, even with the weakest Liberal opposition in more than a century. A couple years from now, when there will undoubtedly be another election after the Liberals regroup and finally grow some backbone, voters will once again show their lack of confidence in this compromise of a Prime Minister. When that time comes, it’s likely that Harper will be defeated, if he’s still the Prime Minister by then. Voters will be tired of listening to his attacks and cynicism, and give him a run for his money.

Dion, of course, will be gone. His stoic speech may hold the party over for a while, but the fact is, he gave the Liberals their worst result in living memory. When all is said and done, it’s more than likely that Dion will be only the second Liberal leader not to be Canada’s Prime Minister. His ideas may have been far too ahead of his time, especially in an era of economic uncertainty. One day, voters will embrace a green plan. One that is less complicated and expressed in more eloquent terms than Dion’s broken English could muster.

This election, however, was Harper’s to win. Harper’s rise to political power has been an improbable one, and although his shrewd political maneuvers have certainly helped him on the way, it has mostly been the Liberals’ mistakes that gave him the country’s top job. From Paul Martin’s dithering campaign to the internal power struggles to the sponsorship scandal, the Conservatives have been feasting on the skeleton of a party. Through two terms, Harper has failed to define himself as someone Canadians can embrace. He has alienated voters as well as the opposition.

When Harper leaves power, his legacy will be likely one of scorn rather than reverence. He leaves behind a trail of debris where politics is concerned. Harper brought to Canadian federal politics the now-familiar negative attack ads, complete with ominous music and gloomy graphic art. He survived, not won, two elections without promoting any policy, without standing on any political platform. His party benefited from the best possible timings, and yet could not be trusted enough with a majority government. For what it’s worth, he won by Americanizing Canadian politics. Instead of promoting big ideas, or debating policy, he pointed fingers and endlessly smeared his opponents.

What has been made clear by this election is that at least some degree of political reform is necessary. With the lowest voter turnout in history (59%), it is obvious to everyone that the system isn’t working. Our antiquated First Past the Post system failed to represent Candians’ interests, and the Parliamentary dialogue between parties has broken down. The final results show that 51% of the electorate voted for combined centre-left parties (Liberal, NDP, and Greens), compared to the Conservatives’ 38% (the only right-leaning party). Despite this, we will be entering our second session of the most conservative government in a century.

Electoral reform proponents have been trumpeting proportional representation for years. However, this proposal has never received any traction, likely due to its complexity and ambiguity. (How do you decide which people go to parliament in proportional representation? How are regions represented? How do you ensure individual accountability?) Many of the benefits of proportional representation can be had by instead implementing an Instant Run-Off or Preferential voting system. While it adds complexity to the ballot counting, it is certainly less of an overhaul than proportional representation, with less of its associated costs and uncertainty. This would solve the biggest problem we have in today’s political atmosphere, with a united right and a fracture left (or conversely, a decade ago with a strong left and a fractured right).

What is also needed is a better check-and-balance mechanism. Unlike in the United States, where there are three separate elected legislative branches (the President, the Senate and the House of Representatives) each keeping the others in check, we have in Canada only a misrepresented House of Commons and an appointed Senate. Whatever the reforms are, it is clear that an appointed Senate is no longer appropriate. Since this “Upper House” already exists, simply making it an elected body will not be difficult. Doing so also increases the accountability of our government, and can serve to keep the House of Commons in check. It will also give voters more confidence in our leaders, yielding a greater chance of productive majority commons, given that there is an elected Senate to keep the House in check.

But with Harper’s ironclad rule, will he listen to cries of electoral reform? Or will he ignore them, turning his back on promises of reform and accountability, and his political youth when he, too, called for change?